Mark's Musings

Mark's Musings

A miscellany of opinions, thoughts, rants and comments

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MPs and their blogs

I’ve been working on a  new website recently called They Blog For You, an aggregator of blogs by MPs. Part of the work involved in setting it up has been to try to track down all the blogs by sitting MPS.

As it happens, there aren’t all that many MPs with a blog – I could only find just over 60, which is about 10% of all the MPs in the house. That’s probably not too bad, in percentage terms – it’s a lot higher than the population in general, for example – but the depressing aspect of it was finding all the MPs’ websites that say they have a blog, but turned out not to. There’s nothing wrong with not having a blog if you don’t have time to write one, but, if you are going to have one, then there are a couple of  simple principles that you need to follow:

  1. Write something, every now and then. Yes, really. A surprising number of MPs’ websites had a blog section, or a link to an external blog, but it turned out to have virtually nothing in it. In some cases, it had nothing in it at all.
  2. Blogs and news are different. Far too many so-called blogs by MPs are actually nothing more than a series of press releases. Again, there’s nothing wrong with issuing press releases, but simply sticking them into Wordpress doesn’t make them a blog. Press releases are written in the third party – “Fred Flintstone, MP for Bedrock North, today visited the Dinosaur Preservation Society’s headquarters…” – while blogs are written in the first person – “I visited the Dinosaur Preservation Society earlier today…” – and failing to understand the difference doesn’t make you look very sensible.

Tom Harris, one of the few MPs who really does understand what a blog is and how to use it, has written his own list of Top Ten Tips for Political Bloggers. Although aimed primarily at a Labour audience (I can’t imagine that any Conservative or Lib Dem MPs will need to be told that it’s OK to criticise the Labour party!),  but what he writes is applicable to any blogger – not just politicians.Most of the MPs who’s sites I’ve been trawling through over the past few days could certainly do with taking his advice.

Empowerment, and other ways in which nanny knows best

There was an article in yesterday’s Times by former cabinet minister James Purnell in which he sets out his vision for what he calls the “empowerment” of the British people. Quite apart from the fact that, as The Guardian points out, his sudden embrace of empowerment and opposition to statism seems distinctly at odds with his opinions when he was a member of the government, what he’s proposing wouldn’t actually empower us at all.

For a start, one of his suggestions is that we abolish catchment areas for schools:

In schools, for example, are we happy to have replaced selection by ability with selection by mortgage? What power is there for parents who can’t afford to move close to a good school?

Real power would mean abolishing catchment areas and having pupils apply two or three years in advance. Oversubscribed schools could then expand, or new providers start up. Conversely, undersubscribed schools could be closed or taken over. Parents could be guaranteed one of their top choices.

The obvious answer to that is that is no, I’m not happy for selection by ability to be replaced with selection by mortgage. I’d prefer the system to take ability into account when matching children with appropriate schools. But if we’re not going to do that, then it seems to me that removing catchment areas would be a distinctly negative step.

This time last year, I was unemployed after being made redundant. I found another job, but that involved moving to a different part of the country. If I had to apply years in advance to get my daughter into a local school, I wouldn’t have been able to do that. I can only conclude that James Purnell doesn’t believe that social and career mobility should apply to parents. Maybe I could have swallowed that, as I lived in a decent house in a reasonably nice area before I moved, but what of the young couple who having managed to get a foothold onto the housing ladder, now want to start a family? According to Purnell’s logic, they should choose where they want to live within the first few years of their firstborn’s life and then stay there until their youngest has finished 6th form. It’s hard to think of something which is less empowering than that.

Anyway, enough of education. Let’s think about the state. Here’s another pearl of Purnell wisdom:

Because we were pro-reform, new Labour was often seen as anti-State

Now, I’m not too sure how to break this to him, but I can assure Mr Purnell that new Labour has most definitely not been seen as anti-state. Given the massive expansion of the state under Tony Blair, such a claim is simply risible. ID cards, CCTV, RIPA, bans on hunting, smoking and peaceful protest – it’s hard to think of a new Labour initiative that hasn’t increased the state’s reach.

It seems, though, that although Purnell wants us to be empowered, he doesn’t think we can cope with it on our own.  We need a reciprocal society, but

That won’t be achieved just by talking about it, as David Cameron does. It will be achieved through organisation — the founding skill of the Labour movement.

and

people need to be organised so that they can shape change, and resist the arbitrary market and the unaccountable State. Workers need to be organised so they can resist being bullied or undervalued. Communities need to be organised so that people can shape public services and resist antisocial behaviour.

I’m not quite sure how James Purnell thinks that writing newspaper columns is going to acheive more than “talking about it”, but his overall message is clear: We poor plebs can’t manage anything unless we’re organised. And who’s going to be doing the organising? Well, the Labour movement has the skills, apparently.

Purnell may possibly be blinkered enough to think that a Labour government isn’t going to want to be in control of anything organised by the Labour movement, but I rather doubt that many other people will share his rose-tinted optimism.

If it were just a case of a politican making fatuous comments, though, I wouldn’t care much about Purnell’s article. It would be just as easy to find statements from commentors on the right of the political spectrum that are equally unworkable or foolish. But elsewhere in the article, Purnell moves into territory that goes beyond laughable and into the genuinely scary. Namechecking American writer and activist Saul Alinsky, Purnell says that

Alinsky got this right when he said that power is not a means to an end — it is the end.

I’m not going to criticise Alinsky here, because I have no idea whether this quote has been taken out of context and Alinsky may well have meant something by it other than what it first appears to say (or, for that matter, if Alinsky actually said it like that, since Purnell doesn’t enclose it in speech marks). But Purnell is quoting it here without any context other than his own words, and therefore we have to assume that he means it to be taken as it seems. And, if so, then he is propounding a doctrine that isn’t merely wrong, it’s bordering on evil.

Power is not, never will be and never has been an end in itself for anyone other than those who seek to impose their power over others. Robert Mugabe, Kim Jong Il and the Burmese generals may well believe that power is an end in itself. But even Machiavelli wouldn’t go so far as to say that power is an end in itself – to him, it was a means to ensure that the prince could rule in peace. In a democratic society, power is a means to greater prosperity, health and happiness. It may well be that the underprivileged need some more power in order to attain those ends. But power for the sake of power alone is, in the end, not really power at all. What good is it for a man to gain the whole world, yet forfeit his soul? James Purnell, it seems, would like us all to be able to answer that question from personal experience.

Locate that postcode

http://petitions.number10.gov.uk/geopostcode/

Many of you will probably remember the news story a while ago about the forced closure of ernestmarples.com, a website which provided a free postcode geolocation API that was, in turn, used by several other organisations running public service websites.

The reason it was shut down was because postcode geolocation data is the property of Royal Mail, who charge a fee for its use through the “Postzon” database.

Following the closure, a petition was created on the PM’s website for the release of a free postcode database to non-profit and community websites. This gathered 2,333 signatories, which is pretty good going. However, the government response, either deliberately or through simple misunderstanding, focussed solely on the Postcode Address File (or PAF) database – that is, the database of every single address in the UK. That’s not what ernestmarples.com was using, and it’s not what the petition was really about.

What ernestmarples.com was using was the data contained in what Royal Mail calls “Postzon“. That’s a list of postcodes together with geographic coordinates of the postcode centre and information about which council ward, etc, it belongs to. Despite not going down to the level of individual addresses, the Postzon data is still hugely useful for a lot of applications. Geocoding to a postcode is helpful for things like local weather reports, “show me my nearest…” applications, overview navigation, etc. All the stuff that was being provided by the earnestmarples.com API until they were shut down, basically.

I think it’s reasonable to make a distinction between Postzon and PAF, at least for now. The PAF is an absolutely huge dataset that changes very rapidly – it changes every time a house, office, factory, warehouse, shop etc is built or demolished – and hence costs a substantial amount to maintain. I think it’s broadly acceptable that the Post Office should be able to recoup the costs of maintaining it when making it available to other organisations. However, the Postzon data is essentially static, and only changes when a postcode changes. So the cost of keeping it updated is relatively minimal, and hence there’s really no justification for charging for it – especially since, unlike the PAF, it doesn’t actually play any role in the delivery of mail. Other countries, such as the US, make their equivalent of Postzon available for free.

In the light of the government’s unsatisfactory response to the previous petition prompted by the closure of ernestmarples.com, I’ve created a new one. I’ve tried to word it in such a way that the government can’t possibly avoid responding to the main point by waffling on about the PAF instead. If you think that basic postocode data should be free, then please sign this petition:

http://petitions.number10.gov.uk/geopostcode/

We need a minimum of 500 signatories to force a response from the government. So your signature counts.

If you want more information about why this matters, then I’d encourage you to have a look at these websites:

http://www.freeourdata.org.uk/
http://ernestmarples.com/blog/

Incidentally, if you’re thinking that this petition isn’t necessary because the government has already made a commitment to releasing the postcode data, then think again. That promise is a very vague and woolly one, and still subject to various consultations. You can be sure that vested interests will be arguing strongly against the full release of Postzon or anything like it. And the fact that such proposals weren’t mentioned in their response to the previous petition is very telling. A significant aim of this petition is to remind the government that we, their electorate, are asking for this. There’s a lot of activity going on to try to persuade the government to rlease the Postzon data. This petition is just one small part of that.

Go on, sign now. You know it makes sense.

Everybody hurts sometimes

They’re all stuck.

Look at me.

Silence is gray.

Silence is golden.

Silence is a stone in my mouth.

Nobody can see me.

I had no idea.

They’re going to miss me.

Here we go again.

What is she thinking?

17 years…

If I had a gun.

How’m I gonna do this?

Lead me to the rock that is higher than I.

They that sow in tears shall reap in joy.

Stop singing. Stop singing. Stop singing.

You die, you turn to dust.

I’ll talk when I want to.

Why won’t you answer me?

Vamos a perder toda nuestra dignidad.

No tenemos mas tiempo.

No more tears.

Then can I grieve…
…at grievences foregone.

She’s gone.

Goodbye.

There’s nothing I can do.

Leave me alone.

New Year, New Year

I wasn’t planning on making any New Year resolutions as such, but then had second thoughts and decided to put a few down anyway. So here, in no particular order, are the things that are on my list for 2010:

  1. Lose weight. That’s a bit of a hardy perennial, really, and to be honest it’s not really a biggie. I’m not hugely excessive in the chubbiness department – I’m still at the stage where I can call it “cuddly” if I need to – so I don’t have any major targets here. But I am a bit above the ideal weight for my height, and, given that growing taller isn’t really an option, I could do with knocking off a few pounds. The main aim is to go from a situation where my clothes – especially my trousers – are just a tad on the tight side to one where they’re comfortably loose. If I can manage that, I’ll be happy.
  2. Get debt free. By the end of 2010, I want to have no debts other than the mortgage. I’m actually not all that far away from that anyway, so it ought to be relatively easy to achieve.
  3. Write more stuff on my blog. This was actually last year’s resolution; I didn’t achieve the target that time but that’s not going to stop me from trying again.
  4. Get out more. When I first moved to Stoke, I spent nearly every weekend out and about in the surrounding countryside, getting to know the area and just enjoying the scenery. Since moving to Evesham, though, I’ve done very little local exploring – most weekends are spent either in the house or shopping. That’s not to say I’ve done nothing – I have done a fair amount of local investigation – but not to the extent that I have done in the past. Partly, of course, that’s because I now have a family living with me, which makes things a bit more complicated, and partly also because the Vale of Evesham (and surrounding areas such as the Cotswolds) aren’t, frankly, anything like as interesting or visually spectacular as the Peak District and Snowdonia, the two places I spent most of my weekends after first moving to Stoke. I think I need to go a bit further afield – I haven’t been to the Malverns yet, and the Brecon Beacons are also in reach, so those are my immediate targets.
  5. Make music. Since leaving Stoke, and the Hope band, I’ve barely played a note. I need to get the keyboards set up and the guitar restrung and start playing again.
  6. Buy my wife flowers more often.
  7. Get involved in national politics. 2010 will be an election year; I want my voice to be one of those which helps shape our future. This is probably the most vague and amorphous resolution, since I don’t really have any detailed plan for achieving it. But it’s also the one I feel most passionately about, so I’m determined to find a way.
  8. Get the cat done. Kittens may be cute, fluffy and adorable, but they eat, wee and poo and it’s a pain in the neck trying to rehouse them.
  9. Tidy up the house, and keep it tidy. A resolution which I may well achieve by the simple means of hiring a cleaner.
  10. Travel. Other than the brief trip to Brussels last May, I haven’t been out of the country since our honeymoon in Ireland. And the trip to Brussels reminded me of how much I enjoy going to (relatively) far off places. So a big target for this year is to take a family holiday outside the UK, for the first time. That’s going to be interesting, to say the least – I’m not sure I really fancy flying with a three year old and a baby (which will have arrived on the scene before we’re likely to go anywhere), so our destination is probably going to have to be somewhere accessible by ferry or the tunnel. Ireland again is an obvious choice, but I rather fancy visiting Amsterdam – I haven’t been there for many years, and it would be nice to go back. France or Spain would be options too – does anyone have a gîte or a villa we could borrow?

The latest kittens (and Ellie)


Some photos of the newest pair of kittens, plus Ellie!

Gloucestershire Warwickshire Steam Railway


Some photos from a day out at the GWR steam railway on new Year's Day

A decade in retrospect

Ten years is a long time. Ten years ago, as the 90s slipped into the noughties, I marked New Year by combining the roles of DJ at a millennium night party and being on call for PSINet UK as lead tech support contact for the Y2K response team. In the end, the millennium bug turned out to be a pretty damp squib – almost as damp as the rather pathetic official “river of fire” celebrations that didn’t exactly set the Thames ablaze – but I was still a bit worried when the pager went off at 00:01 on the first day of the new century*. As it happened, though, the only calls I got were from people who were paranoid enough to be checking that everything was OK. Mary Schmich got it spot on when she wrote

Don’t worry about the future. Or worry, but know that worrying is as effective as trying to solve an algebra equation by chewing bubble gum. The real troubles in your life are apt to be things that never crossed your worried mind, the kind that blindside you at 4 p.m. on some idle Tuesday.

We worried a heck of a lot about the Y2K problem. By contrast, although it wasn’t quite 4pm and we weren’t exactly idle, on a Tuesday just under 21 months later two airplanes smashed into the World Trade Center and changed everything.

Fast forward to the end of the decade, and it’s been a busy one, from a personal point of view. I’ve changed job three times, moved house twice, got married, become a father, discovered that I actually do like rollercoasters, learned how to drive a steam train and realised that I can’t avoid turning into my dad. I can remember exactly where I was when the planes hit the WTC, and exactly where I was when the bombs exploded on the London underground. I cannot, however, remember any of the Christmas number ones from the X-Factor winners, with the exception of 2008 – and that only because it was a second-rate cover of an utterly brilliant song. I started the decade as one of the few people in the UK with broadband – a massive 500Kb – and ended it with a connection speed that’s below average. Somehow, I have ended up as one of the UK’s leading authorities on motorway service areas. I have been to more NFL regular season games than I have to English league football matches. I started the decade with three living grandparents, and ended it with none. I hope it will be far more than another decade before I next make the short journey from chapel to cemetary at the front of the cortege. It scares me more than I care to admit that it might not be.

Trying to recall the highlights of the decade, it seems that all the most memorable ones came either at the beginning or at the end. I suppose that’s mainly human nature: recent events are memorable simply because they’re fresh, and the older ones that I do recall are notable simply because they were big enough to survive in the memory. Be that as it may, my two musical highlights were the first and last major gigs of the decade: U2 at Earls Court in 2001 and Royksopp at Greenbelt in 2009. Politically and globally, 2001-9-11** and the ECC meetings in London and Brussels in 2009 are most prominent. Although, just to buck the trend, the two biggest events in my personal life – getting married and becoming a father – happened in 2005 and 2006 respectively, so that’s pretty much slap bang in the middle.

I started the decade DJing at a party. I’m ending it in my own home watching Jools Holland on TV. Parenthood (and moving to a new town where you don’t really know anybody) does that to you. Not that I’d prefer to be back where I was. Regrets? Yes, I’ve had a few. If I could go back and change some things, then I would – I’m not one for a kind of sentimental “it’s all for the best” fatalism. But I also have to say that some of the best things of the decade have been born from adversity, so I’d have to be careful about what I changed! Overall, though, it’s been a good ten years. I’m looking forward to the next ten.

* Yes, I know it wasn’t really the start of the new century. So?
** Conveniently, adding the year in ISO format makes that date both sematically correct and idiomatically recognisable.

The twenty best Christmas singles… ever

Today is formally the first day of Advent, the start of the Christmas season. So, to kick off, here’s my list of the twenty best Christmas singles ever written:

  1. Fairytale of New York – The Pogues and Kirsty McColl
  2. Merry Christmas, Everybody – Slade
  3. I Wish It Could Be Christmas Every Day – Wizzard
  4. Saviour’s Day – Cliff Richard (less popular, but far better, than Mistletoe and Wine)
  5. I Believe In Father Christmas – Greg Lake
  6. Happy Christmas (War is Over) – John Lennon and Yoko Ono
  7. White Christmas – Bing Crosby
  8. One More Sleep ’til Christmas – The Muppets
  9. Stop The Cavalry – Jona Lewie
  10. 2000 Miles – The Pretenders
  11. Do They Know It’s Christmas – Band Aid (the 1984 original, not the rather pants 1989 and 2004 remakes)
  12. In Dulci Jubilo – Mike Oldfield
  13. Christmas Time (Don’t Let the Bells End) – The Darkness
  14. Walking In The Air – Aled Jones
  15. er….
  16. …that’s it
  17. unless you include Last Christmas by Wham!…
  18. …which is probably fair enough, even though George Michael is incredibly irritating
  19. but definitely not the Frog Chorus…
  20. …or any other attempt by Paul McCartney to write something festive.

Why Gordon fails the Kinnock Test

There’s a theory which has been doing the political rounds for a while now, which is that the result of every British general election in the modern era (that is, since the advent of universal suffrage) has been the “right” one in terms of putting the party best equipped to run the country into Downing Street. Times columnist Daniel Finkelstein wrote a good piece on this in August 2008, in a column titled “Would you pass or fail the Kinnock Test?”. Now, that may seem like old news now (what’s the point of blogging on a media article from over 12 months ago?), but as we get closer to the next general election it’s worth taking a look to see if history will repeat itself.
http://www.timesonline.co.uk/tol/comment/columnists/daniel_finkelstein/article4525842.ece
As it happens, I think that Finkelstein (and anyone else putting forward the same argument) is essentially right, and all the modern elections have been one by the party best equipped to govern. Die-hard supporters and activists of any of the main parties may find that a rather unpalatable assertion, but I think it holds true nonetheless. And the reasons why it’s true are, in essence, fairly simple.
Only once in the modern era has the popular vote of the losing party in the general election dipped below 30%, and that was a rather unusual election in that the combined effects of the Falklands war and the early flowering of the SDP pushed Labour’s vote to well below normal levels. The last time a genuinely seismic shift in voting patterns took place was when Labour displaced the Liberals as the main party of the left, but most of that change happened prior to the modern era. If we take 30% as the base level of support for the two main parties, and then add in around 20% for the combined core totals of the other parties, this implies that no more than 20% of the electorate can truly be described as floating voters.
There’s a well-known saying that oppositions don’t win elections, governments lose them. And the reason they lose them is because they lose the support of floating voters. One of the primary reasons that floating voters are floating voters, though, is because they’re not hidebound by ideology. Instead, they tend to cast their vote on other factors, of which perceived competance is almost certainly one of the most important. So it’s not at all surprising that the party most fit to govern is the one that wins (or tends to win), since that’s precisely the attribute that most appeals to the  people capable of delivering the win.
The fact that a small minority of floating voters decides elections isn’t news, least of all to the party strategists. But, if Finkelstein’s “Kinnock test” theory is right, then they may still be aiming at the wrong target. In the run-up to an election, all the parties tend to focus on producing voter-friendly policies in the hope of atracting floating support. But the lesson of history is that floating voters seem to care more about competance than policies. If that really is the case, then that’s bad news for the policy wonks. But what it also means is that no party, even one that gets a large majority, can ever really claim a mandate for their policies. For any general election winner, the majority of their votes will have come from core supporters who would have voted for them no matter what. You can’t claim a popular mandate from people who haven’t given any real thought to what they’re supporting. And the party that attracts the most floating voters will do so, not because of its policies, but because it’s perceived to be the one that will do a better job of the nuts and bolts of running the country.
So, what does that mean for the general election next year? Well, I think it’s pretty clear that the current government has lost the competance plot. Unless something really, really unexpected happens, it will be David Cameron who gets the call from Her Majesty to form the next government. I just hope that when he gets his feet under the desk at Number 10, he remembers why he’s there and who put him there.

There’s a theory which has been doing the political rounds for a while now, which is that the result of every British general election in the modern era (that is, since the advent of universal suffrage) has been the “right” one in terms of putting the party best equipped to run the country into Downing Street. Times columnist Daniel Finkelstein wrote a good piece on this in August 2008, in a column titled “Would you pass or fail the Kinnock Test?“. Now, that may seem like old news now (what’s the point of blogging on a media article from over 12 months ago?), but as we get closer to the next general election it’s worth taking a look to see if history will repeat itself.

As it happens, I think that Finkelstein (and anyone else putting forward the same argument) is essentially right, and all the modern elections have been one by the party best equipped to govern. Die-hard supporters and activists of any of the main parties may find that a rather unpalatable assertion, but I think it holds true nonetheless. And the reasons why it’s true are, in essence, fairly simple.

Only once in the modern era has the popular vote of the losing party in the general election dipped below 30%, and that was a rather unusual election in that the combined effects of the Falklands war and the early flowering of the SDP pushed Labour’s vote to well below normal levels. The last time a genuinely seismic shift in voting patterns took place was when Labour displaced the Liberals as the main party of the left, but most of that change happened prior to the modern era. If we take 30% as the base level of support for the two main parties, and then add in around 20% for the combined core totals of the other parties, this implies that no more than 20% of the electorate can truly be described as floating voters.

There’s a well-known saying that oppositions don’t win elections, governments lose them. And the reason they lose them is because they lose the support of floating voters. One of the primary reasons that floating voters are floating voters, though, is because they’re not hidebound by ideology. Instead, they tend to cast their vote on other factors, of which perceived competance is almost certainly one of the most important. So it’s not at all surprising that the party most fit to govern is the one that wins (or tends to win), since that’s precisely the attribute that most appeals to the  people capable of delivering the win.

The fact that a small minority of floating voters decides elections isn’t news, least of all to the party strategists. But, if Finkelstein’s “Kinnock test” theory is right, then they may still be aiming at the wrong target. In the run-up to an election, all the parties tend to focus on producing voter-friendly policies in the hope of atracting floating support. But the lesson of history is that floating voters seem to care more about competance than policies. If that really is the case, then that’s bad news for the policy wonks. But what it also means is that no party, even one that gets a large majority, can ever really claim a mandate for their policies. For any general election winner, the majority of their votes will have come from core supporters who would have voted for them no matter what. You can’t claim a popular mandate from people who haven’t given any real thought to what they’re supporting. And the party that attracts the most floating voters will do so, not because of its policies, but because it’s perceived to be the one that will do a better job of the nuts and bolts of running the country.

So, what does that mean for the general election next year? Well, I think it’s pretty clear that the current government has lost the competance plot. Unless something really, really unexpected happens, it will be David Cameron who gets the call from Her Majesty to form the next government. I just hope that when he gets his feet under the desk at Number 10, he remembers why he’s there and who put him there.

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